Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, known as "Hemedti," has become a central figure in Sudan's political landscape, with his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) controlling half of the country. The RSF recently gained control of el-Fasher, the last garrison held by the Sudanese army and its local allies in Darfur. Hemedti's background includes camel trading, and he rose through the Janjaweed militia to lead the RSF, establishing a corporate empire and a political presence. His ascent involved alliances and conflicts with various groups, including the Sudanese army, eventually leading to the current conflict.
Early Life and Rise to Influence
Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, known as "Hemedti," was born in 1974 or 1975; his exact date and place of birth were not registered due to his rural background. His family belongs to the Mahariya section of the Rizeigat community, a camel-herding, Arabic-speaking group spanning Chad and Darfur. His clan, led by his uncle Juma Dagolo, relocated to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, seeking refuge from conflict and better opportunities, and was permitted to settle. After leaving school in his early teens, Hemedti engaged in camel trading across the desert to Libya and Egypt.
The Darfur Conflict and Janjaweed Origins
During this period, Darfur was characterized by poverty, lawlessness, and government neglect under then-President Omar al-Bashir. Arab militiamen, known as the Janjaweed, including a force commanded by Juma Dagolo, attacked villages of the indigenous Fur ethnic group. This pattern of violence escalated into a full-scale rebellion in 2003, with Fur fighters joined by Masalit, Zaghawa, and other groups who cited marginalization by Sudan's Arab elite. In response, Bashir expanded the Janjaweed to lead counter-insurgency efforts. The Janjaweed became known for burning, looting, raping, and killing.
Hemedti's unit was part of these operations. A report by African Union peacekeepers stated that his unit attacked and destroyed the village of Adwa in November 2004, resulting in 126 deaths, including 36 children. A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide. The Darfur conflict was referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC), which filed charges against four individuals, including Bashir, who has denied genocide. Hemedti was considered too junior among Janjaweed commanders at the time to be targeted by prosecutors. Ali Abdel Rahman Kushayb, a Janjaweed "colonel of colonels," was brought to court and, last month, was found guilty on 27 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity, with sentencing scheduled for November 19.
Formation and Expansion of the Rapid Support Forces
After the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti advanced his position to lead a paramilitary force, establish a corporate empire, and develop a political presence. He briefly mutinied, seeking back-pay for his soldiers, promotions, and a political role for his brother. Bashir granted most of his demands, and Hemedti returned to government allegiance. Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti led government forces to defeat them, acquiring control of Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jebel Amir. Hemedti's family company, Al-Gunaid, rapidly became Sudan's largest gold exporter. In 2013, Hemedti was granted formal status as the head of a new paramilitary group, the RSF, reporting directly to Bashir. The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, receiving new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons, along with officers from the regular army to assist with the transition.
International Alliances and Engagements
The RSF achieved a victory against Darfur rebels, encountered challenges in fighting an insurgency in the Nuba Mountains near South Sudan, and undertook border policing duties with Libya. While officially tasked with curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in extortion and, reportedly, people-trafficking. In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) requested Sudanese army troops for the conflict against the Houthis in Yemen. This contingent was commanded by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, who is currently the head of the Sudanese army and in conflict with the RSF. Hemedti negotiated a separate agreement with Saudi Arabia and the UAE to supply RSF personnel. The connection with Abu Dhabi became significant, marking the start of a relationship with Emirati President Mohamed bin Zayed. Sudanese men, and increasingly individuals from neighboring countries, traveled to RSF recruiting centers, receiving cash payments of up to $6,000 (£4,500) upon enlistment. Hemedti formed a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, obtaining training in exchange for commercial dealings, including gold. He visited Moscow to formalize this arrangement and was present during Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Following the outbreak of war in Sudan, he denied that the RSF was receiving assistance from Wagner.
Role in Political Transitions
While the RSF's core combat units became more professional, the force also included a coalition of irregular ethnic militia. As popular protests against the regime grew, Bashir directed Hemedti's units to Khartoum. Bashir referred to him as "himayti," meaning "my protector," viewing the RSF as a counterbalance to potential coup attempts within the regular army and national security. In April 2019, civic protesters surrounded military headquarters, demanding democracy. Bashir ordered the army to fire on the protesters. Senior generals, including Hemedti, met and decided to depose Bashir. The democracy movement acknowledged this development.
For a period, Hemedti was perceived as a prominent figure for Sudan's future. He engaged with diverse social groups and positioned himself as a challenger to the country's existing establishment. This perception shifted within weeks. As Hemedti and Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, joint head of the ruling military council, delayed handing power to civilians, protests intensified. Hemedti then deployed the RSF, which, according to a Human Rights Watch (HRW) report, killed hundreds, raped women, and threw men into the River Nile with bricks tied to their ankles. Hemedti has denied that the RSF committed these actions. Following pressure from the US, UK, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, the generals and civilian representatives agreed to a compromise mediated by African bodies. For two years, a military-dominated sovereign council and a civilian cabinet coexisted.
As a cabinet-appointed committee investigating companies owned by the army, security, and RSF approached its final report—anticipated to detail the expansion of Hemedti's corporate empire—Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and assumed power. However, the two leaders subsequently disagreed. Burhan demanded that the RSF integrate into army command, a demand Hemedti opposed.
Current Conflict and Territorial Control
Days before an April 2023 deadline to resolve the issue of RSF integration, RSF units surrounded army headquarters and attempted to seize key bases and the national palace in Khartoum. This attempted takeover failed, leading to Khartoum becoming a conflict zone with street-by-street fighting. Violence escalated in Darfur, with RSF units conducting actions against the Masalit people. The UN estimates up to 15,000 civilians died, and the US described the events as genocide. The RSF denied this allegation. RSF commanders distributed videos of their fighters engaging in torture and killings. The RSF and its allied militia engaged in widespread looting across Sudan, affecting cities, markets, universities, and hospitals. Looted goods are reportedly sold in "Dagolo markets" extending into Chad and other neighboring countries. The RSF has denied its fighters participated in looting. During the initial weeks of the conflict, Hemedti was injured while trapped in the national palace under artillery and airstrikes and was not seen publicly for months. Upon reappearing, he expressed his determination to win the conflict.
The RSF has obtained modern weapons, including advanced drones, which it has used to target Burhan's de facto capital, Port Sudan, and which were significant in the assault on el-Fasher. Investigations, including by the New York Times, have documented the transportation of these weapons through an airstrip and supply base constructed by the UAE in Chad. The UAE denies providing weapons to the RSF. The RSF and the Sudanese army are engaged in a strategic stalemate.
Future Outlook
Hemedti is working to form a political coalition, including some civilian groups and armed movements, such as his former adversaries in the Nuba Mountains. He has established a parallel "Government of Peace and Unity," assuming its chairmanship. Following the capture of el-Fasher, the RSF controls nearly all inhabited territory west of the Nile. Amid reports of killings and condemnation, Hemedti announced an investigation into what he termed violations committed by his soldiers during the city's capture. Potential future roles for Hemedti include leadership of a breakaway state or rule over all of Sudan, as speculated by Sudanese. He may also envision a role as a powerful political figure managing businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.